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Ex-FBI undercover asset risks all to prove Jan. 6 was a 'Fedsurrection'

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Ex-FBI undercover asset risks all to prove Jan. 6 was a 'Fedsurrection' Outside during the U.S. Capitol during the Jan. 6, 2021, riot (Wikimedia Commons)

WASHINGTON – For the last three and a half years, the FBI and federal prosecutors, in tandem with federal judges, have refused to disclose information regarding the extent to which the U.S. government deployed undercover informants in the crowd at the "Save America" rally in Washington, D.C. on Jan. 6, 2021.

Likewise, during the Proud Boys trial, Judge Timothy Kelly held a sealed hearing to avoid disclosing to the public the number of confidential human sources the government had embedded in that group in the weeks and months leading up to the Capitol riot.

The most notorious suspected government plant of Jan. 6, James Ray Epps, provides a classic example of the special treatment the government would afford to a confidential human source, or CHS. Epps was caught on camera on the streets of D.C. breaking the law – laws imposed or enforced only on Jan. 6, 2021, against demonstrators, for the first time in American history. Nevertheless, he was given only probation, and won’t see a day in a jail or prison.

Epps appears to be either a very sloppy lawbreaker, or a very sloppy undercover agent with the federal government.

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Ex-FBI confidential human source Derek Myers risks years of jail time for saying too much about his former employer. Yet despite the potential legal ramifications, Myers insists the FBI ran an operation involving hundreds of undercover informants on Jan. 6 to entrap and incriminate Trump supporters.

He would know. He was recruited for the assignment.

Weary of the scheme, the former Ohio congressional candidate who made national headlines blowing the whistle on the bureau’s foul play, decided to opt out.

The public should know, Myers told WND in an exclusive interview, that confidential human sources were laced all throughout the Jan. 6 crowd and that they are considered above the law while on the job.

"I'm going to try and word this in a way without compromising the FBI’s contractual obligations. When we, as human assets, are signed into the program for the FBI, we typically must sign paperwork that says what we can and cannot do. Specifically, when it comes to being part of these rallies, or any sort of lawbreaking, we get a temporary designation by the District Attorney's Office in the Department of Justice," he said. "These designations are called 'tier one,' 'tier two' or 'tier three,' and it is essentially a 'get out of jail free' pass for a certain amount of time.

"Essentially, inside the FBI, they're giving two designations for people that are actual federal agents. It's called the Joint Terrorism Task Force or the JTTF. And then also the Political Corruption Task Force. Those were the task forces that I worked closely with, and those were my assignments."

Human assets are permitted to engage in lawbreaking activity "usually within 24 to 36 hours" of the crime scene with a "specific set of parameters that will allow you to go break the law without any repercussions or consequences," Myers told WND.

"We're not talking about going to murder somebody. We're talking about being able to smuggle drugs – that would be a prime example. For the FBI to give someone a 'tier two' designation, if that individual needed to smuggle drugs across the border to acquire intel on suspicious activity, you would be immune from doing so for a 36-hour window, as long as you were doing so in the capacity and under the direction of the Department of Justice."

Many suspected government operatives have yet to be arrested for their role in the Capitol riot as the government continues to arrest an average of one J6 suspect per day in its prosecutions of 1,500 Jan. 6 defendants to date.

Some of these suspected confidential human sources conspicuously have yet to be identified by the FBI, despite being seen in footage flagrantly breaking the law during the Capitol riot.

Democrats dismiss the claim that Jan. 6 was a so-called "fedsurrection" as just a conspiracy theory, since federal judges accommodate the demands of federal prosecutors to withhold the identities of CHSs embedded on the ground during trial. It's no wonder the government secures a 100% conviction rate against J6ers in jury trials.

Myers provided details of his job with the FBI, surreptitiously infiltrating and spying on groups deemed "domestic extremists" by the Justice Department.

"The FBI would pay $450 a day per assignment, plus expenses that were reimbursed," he told WND. "If you were working that assignment for that day, be it for an hour or for 12 hours that day, you were paid a daily rate. Every person has a different rate. I would have to take receipts back to the FBI for any expenses, such as hotels, gasoline, Ubers, plane tickets, anything like that.

"I can still be criminally held liable for talking about some of these things," Myers told WND, "and I'm not afraid to go to prison. If we were to talk about specifics of investigations, I would face upwards of five years in prison. I am straddling that line very carefully right now because it's something that I am prepared to risk my freedom for."

"I just want the people to know that Jan. 6 did have human assets and undercover FBI agents inside the crowd, because I am allowed to share that information with the consequences of the FBI getting angry. Of course, I don’t have permission from the FBI. I'm sure they would have been more than happy to tell me not to share the information. I am doing so without their approval."

As an undercover fed, Myers says he helped mitigate numerous terror attacks plotted by Antifa in the years preceding the Capitol riot.

"In terms of these operations, I would go in as 'Derek Myers the journalist' and I was able to successfully infiltrate Antifa and some other organizations and take that information back to the FBI," he said. "I was sent many times to rallies and would participate in protests to get this information and pass it back on to my bosses at the FBI. I thought I was doing the great work of the people.

"We were successful in stopping some very nasty attacks by Antifa due to my involvement," he said. "Their protests would get very violent. They would go onto college campuses, and they would get into physical altercations with people that did not align with their beliefs to the point where weapons would sometimes be involved.

"I was able to mobilize some of our field teams at the FBI and get a team together with my bosses, and we were able to intercept the arrival of Antifa at different locations so things did not turn violent. Antifa would show up to rallies to cause physical harm against conservative demonstrators. And we simply were able to accomplish that because of the knowledge that I was able to gain from being embedded inside the organization."

While the FBI had the manpower and intelligence to thwart terror attacks waged by Antifa prior to the Capitol riot, law enforcement and intelligence agencies were allegedly blindsided when the "mob of Trump supporters" executed the "seditious conspiracy" to "storm the Capitol" and "attempt to violently overthrow the government" in an attack "akin to Pearl Harbor and 9/11," to use the common terminology of the Biden administration.

No Antifa rioter has been handed two decades of prison time for demonstrating, looting and rioting as have J6 defendants.

Just a few months into a new secret agent gig, Myers went from being enamored at the prospects of "taking down the bad guys" with the nation’s premier law enforcement agency to being alarmed over working with an organization weaponized against the newly elected Republican president and his supporters.

"You have to understand, I started in 2017, right before President Trump took office," Myers said. "Once he got into office, the FBI sort of changed. I learned that they had been targeting President Trump, that they were shifting their focus from these left-wing radicalized organizations to more right-leaning organizations."

"As we know, they were listening to Gen. Michael Flynn," Myers told WND. "Once all that information came out, I realized that this simply was not an organization that I wanted to be a part of. The Department of Justice internally was hell bent on going after President Trump and his allies such as Gen. Flynn, Roger Stone, George Papadopoulos, other folks like that. I simply just had no interest in going after anybody that aligned with my political beliefs. These were patriots."

The bureau prominently changed direction after the Charlottesville riot, Myers said. Suddenly, the Proud Boys, a self-described "Western chauvinist," "American supremacist" group of men who safeguarded Trump supporters at rallies from incessant attacks by Antifa, became public enemy number one for the FBI.

The four leaders of the Proud Boys who were found guilty of "seditious conspiracy" and handed the lengthiest sentences of all J6 defendants were marked long before Jan. 6.

"Charlottesville was the first real rally that got the FBI's attention and they wanted to start putting people like me into place. Right after Charlottesville, that is when they said, 'Hey, we think you would be a good fit to go into organizations like this.' I told them that I had no interest and would not be of any help to them, going in and infiltrating the Proud Boys or any organization like that because my ideology just simply was not in line with. The FBI had indeed labeled the Proud Boys a 'domestic terrorist organization.'"

The FBI also labeled Antifa a domestic terrorist organization, but there's only one group whose members are sitting in prison for peacefully protesting.

Defense attorney Roger Roots, who has represented over 30 Jan. 6 defendants, described for WND the threats leveled by federal judges against defense attorneys for calling juries' attention to the government’s undercover entrapment scheme during trial.

"Let's put it the way it is: The fact that the government had so many CHSs on the ground goes to show that they had the situation under control much more than they pretend," Roots told WND in an exclusive interview.

"They pretend that they were totally shell-shocked by all the Trumpers and that they were totally outnumbered.

"Well, if you really count all the undercover informants that were probably there, they were not outnumbered at all."

Any defense attorney that inquires about the identity of a suspected CHS is typically scolded by the judge as the government endeavors to hide this information, Roots told WND. Essentially, talk about the confidential human sources and undercover informants is not allowed in the courthouse, he said.

"It's not allowed. We've never been able to get anywhere," he said. "Every time we even ask a question of a witness, the prosecutors object to the question, and then the judge sustains the objection. That's the end of it. It's just not allowed. … Congress never gets to the bottom of it. Every time they ask the Justice Department about the CHSs, they get stonewalled."

Asking these sorts of questions "will get you in trouble with the judge," Roots told WND. "You can absolutely be held in contempt. I mean, the FBI won't even say how many CHS’s were there under oath. They just say, 'This is a matter of national security, we can't talk about it.' This has been going on for almost four years. It goes to show you the United States has Soviet-level surveillance. We are no better than East Germany at its worst levels, as bad as Cuba ever was."

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